Saturday, January 25, 2020

Fault-zone Properties and Earthquake Rupture

Fault-zone Properties and Earthquake Rupture INTRODUCTION Geological structures, specifically faults play a substantial role in the qualitative and quantitative aspects of hydrogeological processes (Bense, et al., 2006). Fault zones in the earth shallow crust ( A first-order description of fault zones commonly includes a fault core, which is surrounded by a damage zone from the hydrogeological perspective. The fault core, as the zone of the most intense strain, is generally found in the center of the fault zone, and identified the most of the displacement within the fault zone. Fault cores in different rocks are commonly zones of fault gouge and breccias (Evans and Chester, 1995; Caine et al., 1996; Evans et al., 1997). The damage zone has secondary structures such as minor faults and fractures extending into the foot wall and hanging wall, which take up the rest of strain within the fault zone (Bense, et al., 2013). The fault core and damage zone are surrounded by protolith that is relatively undeformed units which may contain joints not primarily related to the fault zone, and exists as a background deformation pattern (Forster and Evans, 1991; Caine and Forster, 1999). The main hydrogeologic properties of fault zones are believed to be highly anisotropic. Vertical or near-vertical faults are commonly described as being either conduits for horizontal flow along the fault, barriers to horizontal flow across the fault, or a combination of the both respect to the fault core conditions (Anderson and Bakker, 2008). The faulting mechanism and movement type is a significant parameter in the hydrogeological behavior of faults. Normal faults with tension mechanism have a greater ability to groundwater movement and conversely, reverse faults with compressive mechanism, are not proper pathways for groundwater flow. Reverse faults and strike slip faults generated by compression forces, so can act as an impermeable barrier against groundwater movement across the fault (Goldscheider, 2008). Various fault processes can reduce the permeability of the fault core and cause fault to behave as an impermeable barrier against groundwater flow in unlithified sediments. Tectonic sediment mixing in fault zones generally leads to a notable reduction of permeability (Faerseth, 2006; Rawling and Goodwin, 2006; Caine and Minor, 2009; Balsamo and Storti, 2011). The physical mixing of sediments with contrasting grain-size distributions can be expected to result in a more poorly sorted sediment mixture than any of the source beds, and for this reason sediment mixing leads to the efficient reduction of pore space and permeability in the fault zone. The degree to which permeability is reduced as a result of sediment mixing in unlithified sediments will depend on the contrast in permeability between the end-member beds. Heynekamp et al. (1999) report a reduction in permeability of up to six orders of magnitude as compared to the original sand layer, where sandy clay form in the fault zone a s a result of mixing between sand and clay layers along the Sand Hill fault zone in New Mexico, USA. The latter study further illustrates that mixing, from relatively homogeneous source layers, causes strong permeability heterogeneity in the fault zone because of incomplete sediment mixing. In addition to permeability heterogeneity, permeability anisotropy can be expected to be present in fault zones as a result of rotation of bladed sediment grains. Grains aligning preferably with the main fault dip have been observed in both lab-experiments on loose sands, and in naturally faulted sediments ranging from sand to gravel (Bense, et al., 2013). At the grain scale, the increased tortuosity of flow paths across the fault as a result of the realignment of oblate grains in the direction of the fault dip results in permeability anisotropy so that perpendicular to the shear zone, permeability can be up to two orders of magnitude lower than along it (Arch and Maltman, 1990). Where clay minerals are present in the sediment matrix, phyllosilicate framework bands will develop along which platy clay minerals orient in the direction of the fault zone andwill so facilitate the sliding of grains past one another possibly reducing grain breakage (Fossen et al., 2007). Clay smears often develop along fault zones cutting through clay beds. The focus onclay smear exists mainly because of their potential to efficient block across fault fluid flow (Bense and Van Balen, 2004). Clay smears have been described in stratigraphies characterized by unlithified sediments consisting of sand–clay alternations (Yielding et al., 1997). Cataclasis in unlithified sediments is the pervasive brittle fracturing and commination of grains (Engelder, 1974;Chester and Logan, 1986; Blenkinsop, 1991;Davis and Reynolds, 1996). The effectiveness of cataclasis occurring in unlithified sediments varies as function of grain composition, relatively weaker grains such as feldspars can be entirely crushed while stronger quartz grains show low intensity cataclasis characterized by the flaking of grains rather than their entire disintegration by crushing (Loveless et al., 2011; Exner and Tschegg, 2012). Permeability along cataclastic deformation bands in unlithified sediments with clay content is typically reduced more strongly, as compared to undeformed sediments, which is demonstrated by many field and laboratory permeability tests (Antonellini and Aydin, 1994;Fisher and Knipe, 2001). Permeability along cataclastic deformation bands is often anisotropic with the largest reduction in permeability perpendicular to the deformation band (Antonellini and Aydin, 1994; Sigda et al., 1999). Fluids carrying reactive solutes circulating through fault zones potentially can reduce permeability as a result of water–rock interaction and cementation (Zhang et al., 2008). To study the influence of the North Tabriz Fault (NTF) on the adjacent groundwater aquifer in Ammand area, the geologic information reported by the Geological Survey of Iran (1996), along with the hydrostratigraphic characteristic of aquifer drives from 57 well logs, were investigated. Well log data employed to correlate the sedimentary layers in order to clarify the type and structure of the region aquifers. Groundwater level and electrical conductivity (EC) of the groundwater samples have been measured in site. Finally, groundwater level isopotential lines along with flow directions and some hydrochemical analysis of 57 water sample were employed to prepare suitable maps which revealed the impact of the fault on the surrounding aquifer. THE STUDY AREA The Ammand area is located in the northwest of Iran and in the northwest of Tabriz City (Fig. 1). The Tabriz City is one of the large cities of Iran with more than 1.5 million inhabitants (Moradi, et al. 2011). The study area with 297 mm of average annual precipitation and 12.5oC of average annual temperature has a cold and dry climate according to Emberger classification method. Groundwater of this area as the main source of water supply was exploited for drinking and agriculture purposes. This area was crossed by a large and active fault (North Tabriz Fault) which belongs to the complex system that connects the North Anatolian fault system, located in Turkey, to the Alborz mountain range in Iran and accommodates both the northward motion of Arabia and the westward motion of Anatolia plates relative to Eurasia plate (Moradi, et al. 2011). The purpose of this study is to investigate the influence of the North Tabriz fault on the hydrogeological characteristic of the surrounding aquifer. GEOLOGICALSETTING The present-day tectonics of Iran is mainly the result of the complex tectonic system due to motion between the Arabian and Eurasia plates (Djamour, et al., 2011). The Tabriz area is part of the complex tectonic system result of the interaction between Arabia, Anatolia and Eurasia plates and comprising the complex system of faults (Sengoret al., 2005; McKenzie, 1972; Jackson, 1992). The North Tabriz Fault (NTF) is the most outstanding tectonic structure in the northwest of Iran with right lateral fault mechanism (Fig. 1). It is one of the most active faults in Iran which has a clear surface expression in most part of its length (Hesami, et al., 2003). It has an average strike of NW-SE over a length of more than 150 km and appears to be generally close to vertical in dip (Vafaei, et al., 2011).Right-lateral movement along this fault, documented by Berberian and Arshadi (1976) from the study of aerial photographs, which also can be seen clearly in the field (Karakhanian et al., 2004).NTF lineament in the area is easily recognizable in Miocene units (Fig. 2). Variety of geological formations around the study area according to their rocks composition and the effects of geological phenomena such as North Tabriz fault have contributed as the main role in the appearance of the area current morphology and hydrogeological characteristics of the area aquifers. Geological units of the area are consists of Pliocene gray Dacite in the north, Miocene gypsiferous red marl and sandstone layers that surrounding the area, Quaternary Travertine deposits in central part, which all of these formations have been covered by Quaternary alluvial fan deposits in most part of the area (Fig. 2).

Friday, January 17, 2020

Lifeboat Ethics: The Case Against Helping the Poor Essay

Since 1991, the southern half of Somalia, a poverty stricken African nation, has seen various tribal militias battle for dominance and power over individual regions of the country. Violence has plagued Mogadishu, the capital, since warlords ousted the former president. Mere months after the collapse of the government, men, women and children in torn clothes ran helplessly towards packages dropped from military planes towards the hot sand of their tiny village. This action was one of many attempts to help underdeveloped nations receive food by the United Nations’ World Food Programme. Within his article titled â€Å"Lifeboat Ethics: the Case Against Helping the Poor†, Garret Hardin, a well-known philosopher of ecology, analyzes the difficulty and ultimate ruin associated with providing aid to these nations. Hardin’s argument for the preservation of well-to-do societies is embodied by his extended metaphor of each society as a lifeboat, with the citizens of developed nations riding calmly amongst a sea of drowning poverty-stricken individuals. Ultimately, Hardin argues for a very harsh thesis: regardless of the current situation, privileged nations simply should not provide aid to those individuals trapped within the vortex of underdeveloped nations. His argument is consequentialist: he claims that the net result of doing so would be negative and would, in the long run, court large-scale disaster. Although Hardin’s argument appears logic-based, his excessive metaphors fail when applied to real-life scenarios, for oftentimes he misconstrues facts to create a claim that may be perceived as more accurate than reality illustrates. Furthermore, any counter-arguments Hardin feels may refute his claim are pushed aside, avoiding factual evidence that may prove his argument inaccurate or misleading. Much like a lifeboat, Hardin leaves the assertions of the â€Å"humanitarian apologists† to drown so as to avoid the overturn of his claim. Within the section titled â€Å"Adrift in a Moral Sea†, Hardin reveals the lifeboat analogy upon which this essay is almost entirely founded, although shortly after it is presented one can see a loophole he cleverly ignores. The metaphor he creates is, nonetheless, coherent, and is used to describe the limited carrying capacity a lifeboat (rich nations), can hold:So here we sit, say 50 people in our lifeboat. To be generous, let us assume it has room for 10 more, making a total capacity of 60. Suppose the 50 of us in the  lifeboat see 100 others swimming in the water outside, begging for admission to our boat †¦ since the needs of all in the water are the same †¦ we could take them into our boat, making a total of 150 in a boat designed for 60. The boat swamps, everyone drowns. Complete justice, complete catastrophe †¦ we might let 10 aboard, but how do we choose? And what about the need for a safety factor? (1,2)Although logical, this metaphor is undoubtedly dubious. Hardin characterizes the safe and the drowning as rich versus poor nations, though in reality not all countries are deemed on one side of the scale, wealthy or impoverished. Many waver on the edge, needing very little aid to push over into industrialization and development. In relation to Hardin’s metaphor, these nations, in retrospect, require a short ride on the lifeboat before they may swim safely away. Furthermore, Hardin assumes the earth does not hold enough resources to provide for everyone, and although correct in stating we cannot sustain an unlimited number of people, he neglects the very definition of such a word. Exactly how many people are contained within an â€Å"unlimited number†? Hardin disregards any hint as to what this number is, a fairly important point when referencing a depletion of world resources. By disregarding the importance of such a number, Hardin influences the reader to believe helping impoverished nations is impossible, for, after all, an unlimited number of individuals would hardly be feasible. However, if the number of people that could be helped was presented, some may change their minds, recognizing that helping some is better than helping none at all. In knowing this, Hardin however, chooses to eliminate the statistic entirely. Within this scenario Hardin appeals to the readers with the presentation of a circumstance in which only two outcomes seem probable. Either the passengers help ten more individuals and drown, or they neglect to help any, and float securely away with the â€Å"safety factor† still intact. Hardin disregards the idea of helping some people, even if selected in a fairly arbitrary way: â€Å"Suppose we decide to preserve our small safety factor and admit no more to the lifeboat. Our survival is then possible although we will have to be constantly on guard against boarding parties† (2). He insinuates that once the decision is made to help some, the lifeboat passengers must attempt to save all of those drowning, which is clearly not feasible given the carrying capacity of the lifeboat. Although the boat’s capacity should not exceed the  admission of more than ten people, why not admit three, four, or even those ten? It seems rather unreasonable to deny help to every i ndividual, when, although not all can be rescued, the boat clearly holds the space for more. The same ideology may be applied in other philosophical debates, including the death penalty, as we discussed in lecture. Ernest Van Den Haag, a defender of the death penalty, explains in his article that the importance of punishment is not whether every individuals gets what they deserve, but rather that some, rather than none, of the convicted receive their rightful punishment. Professor Yaffe applied this to a smaller-scale, saying, â€Å"If you have three pieces of candy and four children, all equally deserving, it is better, according to Van den Haag, for three to receive their desert than for none to receive what is deserved.† This scenario can easily be applied to Hardin’s lifeboat metaphor. Hardin claims, â€Å"Since the needs of all in the water are the same †¦ since they can all be seen as â€Å"our brothers† †¦Ã¢â‚¬  (1), therefore one cannot reasonably argue the desert of the poverty-stricken varies. As a result, the argument can be made that pulling some into the lifeboat to be saved is far better than leaving all to drown. One may argue ignoring such a possibility serves as a way to avoid criticism from liberals who would quite obviously propose letting some individuals on board. Hardin realizes the difficulty in a rebuttal to this argument, therefore he chooses to leave out the situation entirely. Additionally, the carrying capacity of the wealthy nations is far underestimated, and entirely misleading, within this metaphor. Hardin’s philosophy regarding the swamping of wealthy nations does not seem remotely accurate when the feeding of underprivileged nations costs very little in relation to the finances of developed nations. According to past statistics provided by the Index of Global Philanthropy, â€Å"Of the 122.8 billion dollars of foreign aid provided by Americans in 1975, 95.5 billion dollars, or 79 percent, came from private foundations, corporations, voluntary organizations, universities, religious organizations and individuals, although U.S. government aid is only 22 percent of the Gross National Income.† Therefore, one can see government aid, the kind Hardin mentions will ultimately deplete our resources, is fairly little in comparison to the rest of our nation’s finances. Furthermore, there are numerous other  countries in the developed world that hold the potential to distribute more than the United States alone. Realistically, the capacity of a wealthy lifeboat would be close to double the capacity Hardin presents; the boat would be, at the very least, closer to a small yacht than a meager lifeboat. Hardin’s lifeboat metaphor not only conceals facts, but also misleads about the effects of its proposals. Within Hardin’s scenario, the rich lifeboat can raise the ladder and choose not to let any more individuals on. In reality however, the problem does not necessarily go away merely because it is ignored. In the real world, there are armies and domestic dissidents who willingly sacrifice their lives and those of others to oppose policies they view as immoral. It is ignorant to assume all of the lifeboat passengers will agree with the decision that is made. Some individuals may attempt to pull the drowning on board, and hostility would be inevitable. Ultimately, Hardin’s lifeboat metaphor cannot accurately be applied to policy-making as it obscures more than it reveals. Throughout the article, Hardin bolsters his assertions by reference to a â€Å"commons†, or the tragedy of, in which he explains a system of private property which, if open to all, † †¦ the right of each to use it may not be matched by a corresponding responsibility to protect it† (3). He creates a picture to the reader using an example of herdsman with a pasture of a certain capacity. Hardin writes, † †¦ the considerate herdsman who refrains from overloading the commons suffers more than a selfish one who says his needs are greater †¦ It takes no less than everyone to ruin a system of voluntary restraint† (3). This statement is, like many of Hardin’s, entirely logical. Hardin explains that under a system of private property, the individual more easily recognizes responsibility (3). Under communal ownership however, Hardin argues the herdsman who may choose to fill the pasture with more sheep than it can hold for his own benefit wo uld promote his interest at the expense of the community as a whole. It is clear Hardin attempts to propose that the commons created by aid is worse than the original problem. This may indeed be true if the tragedy of the commons were truly a â€Å"tragedy† as Hardin claims, or if it were impenetrable, but that is hardly the case, and Hardin neglects to address this exact issue. Hardin  lacks sufficient, concrete evidence for this claim; creating a hypothetical situation is hardly grounds for a generalization of a large-scale issue. The incentive to leave out such facts can be seen later in the section, when Hardin quotes Alan Gregg, the vice-president of the Rockefeller foundation. Hardin writes, â€Å"He likened the growth and spread of humanity over the surface of the earth to the spread of cancer in the human body, remarking that ‘cancerous growths demand food; but, as far as I know, they have never been cured by getting it'† (5). To recognize any factual evidence that the Green Revolution has, in fact, resulted in increased food production would refute this quote, which provides the main support for Hardin’s argument. When researched, one can see why Hardin would neglect such information. In actuality, communal ownership has been tried in some countries with successful results. According to â€Å"Population and Food: A Critique of Lifeboat Ethics† by philosophers William Murdoch and Allen Oaten, instances of communal ownership have seen success. In Peru, the ownership of the commons has benefited a previously private-owned fishery, and China’s implication of communal agriculture has yet to see over-exploitation. If, however, a nation’s agriculture does not have success parallel to that of Peru and China, Hardin believes experience holds the key to unlocking poverty. In his section titled â€Å"Learning the Hard Way†, Hardin explains how developed nations currently budget and prepare for infrequent emergencies substantially better than impoverished nations. Furthermore, he argues:If each country is solely responsible for its own wellbeing, poorly managed ones will suffer. But they can learn from experience †¦ the weather varies from year to year, and periodic crop failures are certain †¦ should those nations that do manage to put something aside be forced to come to the rescue each time an emergency occurs among the poor nations? (4)Contrary to his typical pattern or argumentation, Hardin acknowledges the universal response of â€Å"kind-hearted† liberals, who find it difficult to grapple with the concept of blaming poverty-stricken individuals for the faults of their governments. In response, Hardin answers, â€Å"The concept of blame is simply not relevant here. The real question is, what are the operational consequence s of establishing a world food bank?† (4). This response exhibits  two of Hardin’s profound faults. By claiming that blame, in this instance, is an irrelevant point to discuss, Hardin neglects to address a very important issue. Why are the liberals wrong in arguing that fault of government should not influence action in providing aid? One may argue that faulty governments are a mere consequence of industrial deficiency, that can easily be fixed if aid is provided to nations who can then use financial assistance for education, resulting in educated political elections with educated individuals on the ballots. These political leaders may then be able to readily plan for emergencies. Neglecting to answer this rebuttal however, results in the presentation of an argument that seems ill-prepared and unreciprocated. Furthermore, Hardin contradicts himself a mere one sentence later, writing, â€Å"If it [a world food bank] is open to every country every time a need develops, slovenly rulers will not be motivated to save† (4). In saying this, Hardin clearly puts the responsibility of the nation’s food supply within the hands of the incompetent rulers, thereby insinuating the blame lies within the government, and ultimately eradicating any piece of information that could have been deemed support for a strong argument. In actuality, Hardin does not put much faith in the reform of such corrupt or incompetent rulers, despite calling that section â€Å"Learning the Hard Way†. Rather, Hardin believes that if the rich countries would simply refrain from giving assistance, the problem would take care of itself as, â€Å"population growth would be periodically checked by crop failures and famines. But if they can always draw on a world food bank in time of need, their populations can continue to grow unchecked, and so will their ‘need’ for aid† (5). When analyzed closely one can see Hardin neglects to address yet another prominent issue within his argument. How are underdeveloped nations expected to set aside food for the future when they do not possess enough for the current population? Denying aid would clearly cause death amongst many individuals, in saying this Hardin is correct. In making this statement however, Hardin incorrectly assumes the dependence on aid would diminish. Although crop failure would reduce population size, a stabilized population does not coincide with a more successful agricultural system. As a result, food would remain scarce, for even a drastic reduction would not guarantee enough food for the new population. It is naà ¯ve for Hardin to view this  solution as an end to dependency. Clearly the reduced population will suffer problems similar to the previous, food production will remain in deficit, need for aid will persist, and the crisis will continue to revolve in circles. Although many individuals propose the Green Revolution will decrease aid as well as increase food production in underdeveloped nations, Hardin neglects, once again, the importance of such a proposition in the next section of his article. To help alleviate the problems associated with crop failure, many scientists have created â€Å"miracle† rice and wheat that promise a larger harvest and greater resistance to damage. Within the section â€Å"Chinese Fish and Miracle Rice†, Hardin, once again, ignores a significant issue in an attempt to hide behind the weakness of his argument. Hardin writes, â€Å"Whether or not the Green Revolution can increase food production as much as its champions claim is a debatable put possibly irrelevant point† (5). Although there is room to debate the extent to which the Green Revolution has increased the crop yields of developing countries, as well as the costs of the loss of biodiversity and other environmental concerns, Hardin neglects to even mention them; they are dismissed in a single sentence. The true issue resides in that simple, blunt statement, for these topics are exactly the point. What is that finite number of people who can be sustained, and can we nudg e it further in the direction of survival? To ignore this essential statistic is to, once again, provide an argument that lacks support and coherence. One of Hardin’s last arguments relates to what he refers to as the largest issue with providing aid: the rapid population growth rates within impoverished nations. Hardin explains, â€Å"The people inside the lifeboats are doubling in numbers every 87 years; those swimming around us are doubling, on average, every 35 years, more than twice as fast as the rich† (2). Hardin then implements a real-world example in which he emphasizes the correlation between population increases and the depletion of resources: â€Å"Every one of the 15 million new lives added to India’s population puts an additional burden on the environment †¦ If rich countries make it possible, through foreign aid, for 600 million Indians to well to 1.2 billion †¦ will future  generations thank us for hastening the destruction of their environment?† (6). Hardin overlooks the fact that population growth rates are affected by many complex conditions besides food supply. There are vast arrays of socioeconomic conditions that can be identified that motivate parents to have fewer children. Thus, Hardin neglects to realize that population growth can be controlled effectively by intelligent intervention that sets up these appropriate conditions, rather than a reliance upon the statistics of natural population cycles. These conditions include the improved education and equality of women, literacy, sexual education, and distribution of contraceptives, all of which are attainable through the foreign aid that may be provided by developed nations, and according to Murdoch and Oaten, â€Å"aid may encourage necessary institutional and social reforms, making it easier for poor nations to use their own resources and initiative to help themselves.† Hardin neglects to refer to the statistics that illustrate the positive effects on population growth within developing nations that have received aid. Costa Rica, for example, has a relatively large population a nd a low GDP, but the birth rate has declined by fifteen percent since the implication of foreign aid has increased industrialization. Hardin’s article, â€Å"Lifeboat Ethics: The Case Against Helping the Poor†, holds more than twisted logic and misleading metaphors; it encompasses irony. Although Hardin consistently refers to his lifeboat metaphor, he, like the individuals in the boat, neglects to mention counter-arguments or deems certain information â€Å"irrelevant† in the attempt to save his own argument from sinking beneath the depths of deceit. Hardin was correct in stating that a particular boat may only hold its limited capacity, but this article needs to push off the inaccurate claims and leave room for those that are relevant if our world is to find a way to end poverty.

Thursday, January 9, 2020

School Should Start Later With The Lack Of Sleep - 1324 Words

Alexis Woods 8th grade english Mrs. King April 26,2016 School should start later in the morning. Do teens know how many problems can come with the lack of sleep? with sleep deprivation comes many long term effects on people s mental and physical health.lacking sleep is a cause of depression, obesity ,and makes it hard to function in school. School shouldn’t start as early as it does.because, it s unhealthy and lowers academic scores. Lack of sleep puts teens at risk for mental and physical issues.Less amounts of sleep put teens at a higher risk for depression,obesity,and motor- vehicle accidents. Overall, short sleepers were 14% more likely to report symptoms of psychological distress on a standard test, effect was especially pronounced among young people who already suffered from anxiety; in this group, lack of sleep triggered more serious mental health problems like full-blown depression.Also lack of sleep can affect teens weight they can even become obese. Losing sleep tends to make people eat more and gain weight, and now a new study suggests that one reason may be the impact that sleep deprivation has on the brain.The research showed that depriving people of sleep for one night created pronounced changes in the way their brains responded to high-calorie junk foods. On days when the subjects had not had proper sleep, fattening foods like potato chips and sweets stimulated stronger responses in a part of the brain that helps govern theShow MoreRelatedThe Effects Of Lack Of Sleep Deprivation On Children1315 Words   |  6 Pages School should start later in the morning. Do teens know how many problems can come with the lack of sleep? with sleep deprivation comes many long term effects on people s mental and physical health.lacking sleep is a cause of depression, obesity ,and makes it hard to function in school. School shouldn’t start as early as it does.because, it s unhealthy and lowers academic scores. Lack of sleep puts teens at risk for mental and physical issues.Less amounts of sleep put teens at aRead MoreAdolescents Today Face A Widespread Chronic Health Problem : Sleep Deprivation1566 Words   |  7 Pagestoday face a widespread chronic health problem: sleep deprivation. Research shows that getting enough sleep is a biological necessity. Sleep is essential for a person’s health and wellbeing, according to the National Sleep Foundation (NSF). Teens are among those least likely to get enough sleep; while they need on average 9 1/4 hours of sleep per night for optimal performance and health and brain development, teens average fewer than 7 hours per school night, and most report feeling tired during theRead MoreShould School Start Times?1527 Words   |  7 PagesIs sleep important? A question that many people wonder to themselves at night. Of course, the answer is yes. Sleep is one of the most important things in our lives, it keeps our brains healthy and working. It g ives our brain cells time to relax and not over-work. However, some teens aren t getting the 8.5 hours of sleep they need, and believe the school is responsible for it. In most districts, schools start times around 7:00 am in some cases. Parents and students believe that the school districtRead MoreSchools Should Have A Later Start Time1324 Words   |  6 Pagesis this entirely their fault? After a considerable amount of investigating it appears as if their lack of energy could be due to sleep deprivation resulting from early school start times. When later school times have been compared to those schools that start earlier, there are significant changes in the behaviors and results that students emit in a school environment. Schools should have a later start time that is better suited to the biological needs of adolescents as a way to aid them in achievingRead MoreThe Era of Sleep Is Over Essay1416 Words   |  6 PagesI have found a problem that should not be over looked. For man y years students and teachers have had precious hours of sleep seized from them by schools all across the great United States of America. I am no attorney, but I do know seizure of property without a proper warrant is against the Fourth Amendment; one of the twenty seven amendments our very nation has been built upon today. I am not proposing we go to court with our school systems, but I am suggesting we can all comprise and find a fewRead MoreThe Day Dreamers1574 Words   |  7 Pagesprobably suffer from lack of sleep, caused by biological clocks that are set to a different schedule than their classes. Teenagers have a physiological need to stay up later and sleep longer than pre-adolescents, yet the daily schedule of the school runs oblivious to this. At City High students usually have to get up a little before 6:30, yet it is only natural for teenagers to get up later in the mornings. According to Mark Mahowald, MD, director of the Minnesota Regional Sleep Disorders CenterRead MoreSchool Start Time and Sleep1189 Words   |  5 Pagesteen should get 9 hours of sleep, only 15% get that much sleep. With schools starting as early as 7:00 a.m (School Start Time and Sleep), most teenagers are only getting 7 hours of sleep (Sleep in Adolescents (13-18 Years)). In fact, a recent poll conducted by the National Sleep Foundation found that 60% of children under the age of 18 complained of being tired during the day, according to their parents, and 15% said they fell asleep at school during the year (School Start Time and Sleep). WhenRead MoreGrade Z For Adolescents And Adolescents Essay1699 Words   |  7 Pagescertain age, students are suddenly hit with the long list of things they want or should do all at once. This consists of school, family time, social life, extra circular activities, a job, homework, and much more. Perhaps most importantly on this lengthy list is sleep, something that is grossly misunderstood and undervalued. The long and short of it is that adolescents are not getting enough sleep due to early school times, the â€Å"to-do list†, and biological changes. Indeed, perhaps the group thatRead More Sleep Deprivation in Americas Students Essay1485 Words   |  6 PagesSleep Deprivation in Americas Students One of the many arising problems of America’s students is they are becoming sleep deprived. The busy daily schedules of children and teens are not allowing them to get enough sleep. â€Å"Less sleep is unhealthy especially with the new research that as teenagers move through teenage years, they need increasing amounts of sleep. Nine hours per night is the necessary amount to avoid behaviors associated with sleep deprivation† (Final Report Summary, 2001). Read MoreGraduation Speech : The National Sleep Foundation1681 Words   |  7 Pagesthe National Sleep Foundation have shown that teenagers lose up to two hours of sleep per night during the school year. A big component of sleep loss is a direct result of the early start times for high school. Between after school sports, work, and homework the average teen does not make it to bed before 11p.m. Adolescents then proceed to wake up before 6:30 a.m. to make it to school on time leaving them with an insufficient amoun t of sleep. Many fatigued teenagers then come to school and easily

Wednesday, January 1, 2020

A Defense Of Abortion By Judith Thompson - 1919 Words

PHILOSOPHY 2615 Melissa Ramessar 212762654 In this paper I am going to critically evaluate â€Å"A Defense of Abortion† by Judith Thompson, a moral philosopher and metaphysician, who argues that is morally okay to abort a fetus even if the fetus is considered a person and contrast it to another moral philosopher and utilitarian, Peter Singer who deems her argument to be flawed. Judith Thompson presents a scenario where you are the only person with a particular blood type needed to save a famous unconscious violinist’s life; the Society of Music Lovers finds and kidnaps you. They plug him into you in order to use your kidneys to save his life. They assure you it’s only for nine months and by that time it will be okay to remove the plug. Is this unconscious violinist considered a person? Should you be obligated to help him? What if the violinist is putting a strain on your kidneys and you ll be dead within a week, what should you do? According to Clifford Grobstein in â€Å"When Does Personhood Begin,† he states that, â€Å"Being a person involves subjective awareness, including personality, a sense of self awareness and consciousness.† Even though one may argue that the unconscious violinist is a person because he can go back to being a conscious person after the nine months and therefore you should help him; some may argue that though he has the potential he isn’t a person in the state he is in and therefore, you do not need to help him. Judith Thompson’s response to thisShow MoreRelatedIs Abortion Right Or Wrong?1116 Words   |  5 PagesIs abortion right or wrong? This is a big topic in today’s society. Abortion is always brought up whether it’s religion, politics, or just in a regular conversation. Although, the question remains; is it right or is it wrong? There are many arguments about it. There are an abundant amount of people that argue with each other over this topic. 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